Social Democracy

Demokratie braucht Offenheit, Konfrontation und klare Spielregeln - mühsam und eine Art Stresstest in diesen Krisenzeiten. Dabei steht nicht weniger als das Vertrauen zwischen Bürgerinnen und Bürgern und Politik auf dem Spiel. Wie kann man die Verfassung populismusfester, die Kommunalpolitik elternfreundlicher oder das Beamtentum zeitgemäßer machen? Wie lassen sich da, wo Regeln fehlen, neue verabschieden?

John Kampfner ist Brite und zeigt, wie sehr sich das Deutschland-Bild im Ausland in den letzten Jahren verändert hat. Die deutsche Krisenpolitik hält er für Weltklasse: Corona-Bekämpfung, Finanzkrise, Flüchtlingskrise - kein Land navigiere so erfolgreich und souverän durch schwierige Zeiten wie Deutschland. Während anderswo autoritäre Politiker und Populisten regieren, sei Deutschland ein Bollwerk aus Anstand und Stabilität.

The American who shows a distaste for civic responsibility and whose great aim in life is comfort and ease is a greater threat to America than any terrorist. The American who mindlessly chants, “USA! USA! USA!” when a politician wraps themselves in the flag permits the highest of crimes. The American who votes for the politicians who steal, lie, and cheat should share a cell with the criminals they ignorantly empower.

This ambitious and incisive book presents a new vision for American foreign policy and international order at a time of historic upheaval. The United States global leadership crisis is not a passing shock created by the Trump presidency or COVID-19, but the product of forces that will endure for decades. Amidst political polarization, technological transformation, and major global power shifts, Lissner and Rapp-Hooper convincingly argue, only a grand strategy of openness can protect American security and prosperity despite diminished national strength.

Early Americans were suspicious of centralized authority and executive power. Casting away the yoke of England and its king, the founding fathers shared in this distrust as they set out to pen the Constitution. Weighing a need for consolidated leadership with a demand for states' rights, they established a large federal republic with limited dominion over the states. This Very Short Introduction audiobook provides a concise overview of federalism, from its origins and evolution to the key events and constitutional decisions that have defined its framework.

Något har gått snett med vår svenska demokrati. Genom ett offentligt mångmiljardstöd - som de själva beslutar om - har partierna gjort sig ekonomiskt oberoende av sina medlemmar. Det har skapat en samförståndskultur, där de olika lägren nu har mer gemensamt med varandra än med de väljargrupper som de påstår sig företräda. Den härskande klassen är en underhållande skildring av en politisk aristokrati med tillhörande privilegier. Rekryteringsbasen utgörs av de knappa tre procent av befolkningen som ännu tillhör ett parti och toppaktörerna har ofta en likartad profil.

Truth Has a Power of Its Own is an engrossing collection of never-before-published conversations with Howard Zinn, conducted by the distinguished broadcast journalist Ray Suarez in 2007, that covers the course of American history from Columbus to the War on Terror from the perspective of ordinary people - including slaves, workers, immigrants, women, and Native Americans.

Our economy is designed by the 1 percent, for the 1 percent. This audiobook offers a compelling vision of an equitable, ecologically sustainable alternative that meets the essential needs of all people. At a time when competing political visions are at stake the world over, this audiobook urges a move beyond tinkering at the margins to address the systemic crisis of our economy.

In Breaking Through Power, Ralph Nader draws from a lifetime waging - and often winning - David vs. Goliath battles against big corporations and the US government.

Nel corso dell'esperienza repubblicana, i nove presidenti che si sono succeduti hanno interpretato, ciascuno a modo suo, una carica che studiosi autorevoli hanno giudicato la più ambigua fra quelle previste dalla Carta del 1948: un po' notaio, un po' arbitro, un po' capitano. Certo è che da quasi 25 anni il presidente ha acquistato una centralità alla quale i costituenti non avevano davvero pensato e che è figlia, prima di tutto, delle difficoltà e delle ripetute crisi del sistema politico - centralità che ha ormai inciso sulla stessa forma di governo.

Anche le forme di governo hanno una loro storia, un albero genealogico attraverso cui riconoscere le diverse famiglie e la loro discendenza. Tutto cominciò in Inghilterra, dove tra '600 e '700 prese forma il sistema parlamentare, il modello di tutti i successivi modelli. Poi gli "inglesi" d'America, volendo imitare la loro madrepatria, finirono per inventare un modello alternativo, la forma di governo presidenziale. Molti anni dopo, in Francia, nel corso di una difficile transizione, si affermò un terzo modello, quello semipresidenziale.

Ist unsere Demokratie noch zu retten? Das System steckt in der Krise. Liegt der Ausweg in mehr direkter Demokratie? Oder ist das Volk zu "dumm", um in wesentlichen Fragen selbst zu entscheiden? Lässt es sich zu leicht manipulieren und geht rechten Populisten auf den Leim? Wenn Außenseiter bei Wahlen erfolgreich sind, heißt es oft, die Bürger hätten "falsch" abgestimmt. Aber wer entscheidet, was "richtig" ist? In Deutschland gibt es freie Wahlen für alle erst seit gut hundert Jahren.

Miguel Ángel Revilla es uno de los políticos más admirados y escuchados por los españoles. Su cercanía y sensibilidad hacia las cuestiones que más afectan a los ciudadanos le convierten en un punto de referencia de opinión, casi siempre muy crítica, con los poderes que actúan impunemente. Desde la amplia vivencia que le aporta su experiencia y su independencia política, el principal objetivo que le ha llevado a escribir Ser feliz no es caro es ayudar a sus oyentes a entender lo que está sucediendo en nuestra sociedad y sacar el máximo partido a la vida.

For hundreds of years, Bulgarian Gypsies trained bears to dance, welcoming them into their families and taking them on the road to perform. In the early 2000s, with the fall of Communism, they were forced to release the bears into a wildlife refuge. But even today, whenever the bears see a human, they still get up on their hind legs to dance. In the tradition of Ryszard Kapuściński, award-winning Polish journalist, Witold Szabłowski uncovers remarkable stories of people throughout Eastern Europe and in Cuba who, like Bulgaria’s dancing bears, are now free but who seem nostalgic for the time when they were not.

This book, a manifesto for a movement to reunite America, will help us put a stop to the seemingly endless Left-Right fistfight while honoring the vital role of healthy political debate. Mark Gerzon describes how citizens all over the country - Republicans, Democrats, and independents - are finding common ground on some of the most divisive and difficult issues we face today.

"Man kann mehr erreichen, wenn man nicht in der Öffentlichkeit arbeitet." (Beate Lindemann, langjährige Geschäftsführerin der Atlantik-Brücke in Berliner Zeitung 16.1.2003). Laut Umfragen wünschen sich die meisten Deutschen eine sozial ausgewogene Politik und eine Außenpolitik unabhängig von den Großmächten in West und Ost. Trotzdem gerät unsere Sozialpolitik in immer bedenklichere Schieflage und wir werden in immer gefährlichere militärische Abenteuer der USA hineingezogen.

Congressional scholars Thomas Mann and Norman Ornstein identify two overriding problems that have led Congress—and the United States—to the brink of institutional collapse. But they offer a panoply of useful ideas and reforms, endorsing some solutions, like greater public participation and institutional restructuring, while debunking others, like independent or third-party candidates. Above all, they call on the media as well as the public to focus on the true causes of dysfunction rather than just throwing the bums out every election cycle.

In The Spirit of Compromise, eminent political thinkers Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson connect the rejection of compromise to the domination of campaigning over governing - the permanent campaign - in American democracy today. They show that campaigning for political office calls for a mindset that blocks compromise - standing tenaciously on principle to mobilize voters and mistrusting opponents in order to defeat them. Good government calls for an opposite cluster of attitudes and arguments - the compromising mindset - that inclines politicians to adjust their principles and to respect their opponents.

Asser Amdisen er historiker og giver en opsang til alle tilhængere af demokrati. For vi er ved at sætte flere hundrede års udvikling over styr. Bogen vil forandre dit syn på det samfund, du er en del af, og gør dig klogere på, hvordan vi er havnet, hvor vi er. Asser Amdisen (f. 1972) er cand.mag. i historie med speciale i 1700-tallets idéhistorie. Han har arbejdet på en lang række museer, været i bestyrelsen for Organisationen af Danske Museer og sidder i bestyrelsen for Brandbjerg Højskole. Han har været højskoleforstander i Ryslinge og har holdt talrige foredrag om historiske emner ru

Demokratie gegen Demokratie - illiberale gegen liberale, direkte gegen repräsentative Demokratie, vielleicht sogar "the people vs. democracy"? Es scheint, die Demokratie war noch nie so unumstritten wie heute, während zugleich noch nie so umstritten war, was aus ihr folgt. Jeder tritt in ihrem Namen an und beschuldigt den Gegner, ein Gegner der Demokratie zu sein. Der Demokratie droht heute nur noch Gefahr von ihr selbst. Unsere Lage, so die These Philip Manows, ist von der gleichzeitigen Demokratisierung und Ent-Demokratisierung der Demokratie gekennzeichnet.