China International Relations

With an economy and population that dwarf most industrialized nations, China is emerging as a 21st century global superpower. Even though China is an international leader in modern business and technology, its ancient history exerts a powerful force on its foreign policy. Christopher A. Ford expertly traces China's self-image and its role in the world order - from the age of Confucius to today. Ford argues that despite its exposure to and experience of the modern world, China is still strongly influenced by a hierarchical view of political order.

In Will Africa Feed China?, Deborah Brautigam, one of the world's leading experts on China and Africa, probes the myths and realities behind the media headlines. Her careful research challenges the conventional wisdom; as she shows, Chinese farming investments are in fact surprisingly limited, and land acquisitions modest. Defying expectations, China actually exports more food to Africa than it imports. Is this picture likely to change?

In light of the intertwining logics of military competition and economic interdependence at play in US-China relations, Trading with the Enemy examines how the United States has balanced its potentially conflicting national security and economic interests in its relationship with the People's Republic of China (PRC). To do so, Hugo Meijer investigates a strategically sensitive yet under-explored facet of US-China relations: the making of American export control policy on military-related technology transfers to China since 1979.

Prize-winning journalist Philip P. Pan offers an unprecedented inside look at the momentous battle underway for China's future. On one side is the entrenched party elite determined to preserve its authoritarian grip on power. On the other is a collection of lawyers, journalists, entrepreneurs, activists, hustlers, and dreamers striving to build a more tolerant, open, and democratic China.

The United States of America has been the most powerful country in the world for more than 70 years, but recently the US National Security Strategy declared that the return of great power competition with Russia and China is the greatest threat to US national security. Further, many analysts predict that America's autocratic rivals will have at least some success in disrupting - and, in the longer term, possibly even displacing - US global leadership. Brilliant and engagingly written, The Return of Great Power Rivalry argues that this conventional wisdom is wrong.

By the time one finishes reading this penetrating book of history, politics, and public health, the very real COVID-19 crisis of 2020 becomes a metaphor for China’s quest for hegemony. Helen Raleigh shows how Communist China, like the virus that began there, has spread its influence aggressively around the world. She begins with China's suppression of people within its own borders.

Pro Jahr mehr als 1.500 Kilometer neue Gleise für Hochgeschwindigkeitszüge, über ein Dutzend neue Wolkenkratzer allein in Shenzhen und mindestens 1,38 Millionen neue Patente: Chinas Diktatur treibt eine hocheffiziente Wirtschaft an. Sie baut einen digitalen Überwachungsapparat auf, wie ihn die Welt noch nicht gesehen hat, und dehnt im Stil einer neuen Kolonialmacht ihren Einfluss aus - ob in Afrika, bei der neuen Seidenstraße oder durch Investitionen in Griechenland oder Portugal, für die im Gegenzug Linientreue bei EU-Resolutionen gezeigt werden muss.

In 1784, when Americans first voyaged to China, they confronted Chinese authorities who were unaware that the United States even existed. Nevertheless, a long, complicated, and fruitful trade relationship was born after American traders, missionaries, diplomats, and others sailed to China with lofty ambitions: to acquire fabulous wealth, convert China to Christianity, and even command a Chinese army. In America's First Adventure in China, John Haddad provides a colourful history of the evolving cultural exchange and interactions between these countries.

War Russlands Überfall auf die Ukraine nur der Anfang? Kommt bald der noch größere Krieg? Ein Krieg zwischen den beiden Supermächten unserer Zeit? Ein Krieg zwischen China und den USA? Ein Krieg, der sich an Taiwan entzündet? Wie können wir verhindern, dass die politischen Führungen dieser Welt als "Traumwandler" in den dritten Weltkrieg schlittern, und sich die düsteren Voraussagen zu selbsterfüllenden Prophezeiungen entwickeln?

Wer den Einfluss verstehen will, den China auf die deutsche Wirtschaft ausübt, muss den Namen Gerhard Ludwig Flatow kennen. Er war wohlhabender Stahldirektor und Kommunist, Abenteurer und Lobbyist, sprach fließend chinesisch und wurde in den Fünfziger und Sechziger Jahren zum wichtigsten Agenten der Chinesen in Deutschland. Dabei hat er es verstanden, völlig unbekannt zu bleiben–bis der Wirtschaftspublizist und Chinakenner Bernd Ziesemer die Fäden zusammenführte und entdeckte, dass ein Maoist und ein Industrieller ein und dieselbe Person waren.

Lange galt China als eine Art sanfter, schlafender Riese. Zwar war das politische System und dessen Menschenrechtsverletzungen nur schwer vereinbar mit westlichen demokratischen Werten, doch man setzte auf das Prinzip »Wandel durch Handel«. China würde sich mit steigendem Wohlstand schon öffnen. Doch das Gegenteil ist eingetreten: China verschließt sich nach außen, hat aber enorm an wirtschaftlichen und politischen Einfluss gewonnen. Bereits seit 2013 schafft die kommunistische Partei mit Krediten, Investitionen und Entwicklungsprojekten neue Absatzmärkte und hat neue Seidenstraßen erschlossen.

The PRC is engaged in political warfare against most countries of the world. This is an aggressive brand of total war that integrates all aspects of PRC national power into its political warfare campaigns. Open societies normally lack government understanding and response to the political warfare threat, therefore typically establishing weak applicable laws and policies to combat it.

After Japan's attack on Pearl Harbor, leaders in China and the United States had high hopes of a lasting partnership between the two countries. More than 120,000 U.S. servicemen deployed to China, where Chiang Kai-shek's government carried out massive programs to provide them with housing, food, and interpreters. But, as Zach Fredman uncovers in The Tormented Alliance, a military alliance with the United States means a military occupation by the United States.

Fear swept Zhenjiang as British soldiers gathered outside the city walls in the summer of 1842. Already suspicious of foreigners, locals had also heard of the suffering the British inflicted two months earlier, in Zhapu. A wave of suicides and mercy killings ensued: rather than leave their families to the invaders, hundreds of women killed themselves and their children or died at the hands of male family members. British observers decried an "Asian culture" of ritual suicide. In reality, the event was sui generis—a tragic result of colliding local and global forces in nineteenth-century China.

Tensions between the world's superpowers are mounting in Washington, D.C., and Beijing. But between these hubs of high-level politics, an entirely new reality is emerging. Yet the People's Republic of China and the state of California have built deep and interdependent socioeconomic exchanges that reverberate across the globe, and these interactions make California a microcosm of the most important international relationship of the 21st century. In The Transpacific Experiment, journalist Matt Sheehan chronicles the real people who are making these connections.

In the sphere of future global politics, no region will be as hotly contested as the Asia-Pacific. This is where authoritarian China is trying to rewrite international law and challenge the democratic values of the US and its allies. No other Asian country can take on China alone. The US too may be ill-equipped for the job at hand. If China does get away with seizing and militarizing waters here, what will it do elsewhere, and who will be able to stop it? Asian Waters breaks down the politics - and tensions - seen through this region for years.

Out in the Pacific Ocean, there is a war taking place. It is a "warm war", a shoving match between the United States, since World War II the uncontested ruler of the seas, and China, which now possesses the world's largest navy. The Chinese regard the Pacific, and especially the South China Sea, as their ocean, and they're ready to defend it. Each day the heat between the two countries increases as the Chinese try to claim the South China Sea for their own, and the United States insists on asserting freedom of navigation.

In the opening months of 1949, US President Harry S. Truman found himself faced with a looming diplomatic catastrophe - "perhaps the greatest that this country has ever suffered", as the journalist Walter Lippmann put it. Throughout the spring and summer, Mao Zedong's Communist armies fanned out across mainland China, annihilating the rival troops of America's onetime ally Chiang Kai-shek and taking control of Beijing, Shanghai, and other major cities.

The former editor-in-chief of the Economist returns to the territory of his best-selling The Sun Also Sets to lay out a fresh analysis of the growing rivalry between China, India, and Japan and what it will mean for America, the global economy, and the 21st-century world.

At the beginning of the 21st century, China is poised to become a major global power. And though much has been written of China's rise, a crucial aspect of this transformation has gone largely unnoticed: the way that China is using soft power to appeal to its neighbors and to distant countries alike.