Political Philosophy

From a highly regarded feminist cultural critic and professor comes a polemic arguing that the stifling sense of sexual danger sweeping American campuses doesn't empower women, it impedes the fight for gender equality. Feminism is broken, argues Laura Kipnis, if anyone thinks the sexual hysteria overtaking American campuses is a sign of gender progress.

As one of the most prominent thinkers in the history of classical liberalism, he contributed extensively to social and political theory, and political economy. Mill died before completing this book but the work contains substantial food for thought. He discusses the attitude toward property of the poorer classes of society, and contends that socio-economic matters pertinent to society ought to be examined anew by every successive generation. Mills also provides an in-depth review of the various Utopian Socialists of the nineteenth century.

From interpreting the world to changing it, a synthesis of Chomsky's early work on philosophy, linguistics, and politics. Originally delivered in 1971 as the first Cambridge lectures in memory of Bertrand Russell, Problems of Knowledge and Freedom is a masterful and cogent synthesis of Noam Chomsky's moral philosophy, linguistic analysis, and emergent political critique of America's war in Vietnam.

Cynthia Fleury, philosophe et psychanalyste, défriche de nouvelles pistes de réflexion sur le courage et l'expérience du découragement. En tant que psychanalyste, elle observe l'intime du découragement chez ses patients, et remarque les effets pervers de l'organisation du monde du travail et de l'espace politique, sur le psychisme des individus.Convoquant tour à tour Victor Hugo, Diogène, Jankélévitch ou bien encore Amartya Sen, Cynthia Fleury questionne les liens entre l'expérience personnelle du découragement et la société.

In Not a Day Care, Dr. Everett Piper, president of Oklahoma Wesleyan University and author of the viral essay, "This Is Not a Day Care. It's a University!" takes a hard look at what's happening around the country - including the demand for "safe spaces" and trigger warnings at universities like Yale, Brandeis, and Oberlin - and digs in his heels against the sad and dangerous infantilization of the American spirit.

How a band of antislavery leaders recovered the radical philosophical inspirations of the first American Revolution to defeat the slaveholders' oligarchy in the Civil War.

Author Monica Sharma describes how we can source our inner capacities and wisdom to manifest change that embodies universal values such as dignity, compassion, fairness, and courage. Drawing on more than 20 years of work for the United Nations and elsewhere, she presents a radical new approach to transformational leadership, one that creates systems of change where everyone can engage - not just analysts and policy-makers.

My initial reason for writing this book and its thesis was in response to a growing movement in the world to remove freedom and personal responsibility from the ethos of our time. I’ve viewed the spreading of personal freedoms across the world as one of the most consequential developments in recorded history. As such, the removal of freedom seems to be a harbinger of death and decline in society. This realization, along with the births of my sons, has led me down a road of contemplation and discovery. It took me months of thought and personal deliberation to finalize my views on our society.

Albert Jay Nock witnessed and testified to the great change in civilization in the early 20th century: the decline of individual freedom and the rise in worship of the total state. His response? Resist - by penning some of the most important, formative works in what became known, later, as modern libertarianism. A clear writer always, there's nothing Nock wrote that is not worth reading. But if you want to get a gist of the man and his times, then you can hardly do better than his two volumes of journals, here presented under one cover.

Power and Persuasion stands apart for its critical evaluation of the concepts, doctrines, and activities that the US Department of Defense and Department of State employ for the art of strategic communication including psychological operations, military information support operations, propaganda, and public diplomacy.

This is the second of three volumes of posthumously collected writings of G. A. Cohen, who was one of the leading, and most progressive, figures in contemporary political philosophy. This volume brings together some of Cohen's most personal philosophical and nonphilosophical essays, many of them previously unpublished. Rich in first-person narration, insight, and humor, these pieces vividly demonstrate why Thomas Nagel described Cohen as a "wonderful raconteur".

An influential contributor to social theory, political theory, and political economy, his conception of liberty justified the freedom of the individual in opposition to unlimited state control. He was a proponent of utilitarianism, an ethical theory developed by Jeremy Bentham, although his conception of it was very different from Bentham's. Hoping to remedy the problems found in an inductive approach to science, such as confirmation bias, he clearly set forth the premises of falsification as the key component in the scientific method.

Mohandas Gandhi wrote this book while traveling from London to South Africa on board SS Kildonan Castle between November 13 and November 22, 1909. In the book Gandhi gives a diagnosis for the problems of humanity in modern times, the causes and his remedy. Gandhi's Hind Swaraj takes the form of a dialogue between two characters, The Reader and The Editor. The Reader essentially serves as the typical Indian countryman whom Gandhi would have been addressing with Hind Swaraj.

The Three Languages of Politics is a profoundly illuminating exploration of communication in America’s political landscape. Progressives, conservatives, and libertarians are like tribes speaking different languages. This is an accessible, precise, and insightful guide to lowering the barriers coarsening our politics. This is not a book about one ideology over another. Instead, it is a book about how we communicate issues and ideologies and how language intended to persuade instead divides.

From the French Revolution of the 18th century to the Mexican, Russian, German, Chinese, anticolonial, and Iranian revolutions of the 20th, Chirot finds that moderate solutions to serious social, economic, and political problems were overwhelmed by radical ideologies that promised simpler, drastic remedies. But not all revolutions had this outcome. The American Revolution didn't, although its failure to resolve the problem of slavery eventually led to the Civil War, and the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe was relatively peaceful, except in Yugoslavia.

The ancient Greeks hard-wired a tragic sensibility into their culture. By looking disaster squarely in the face, by understanding just how badly things could spiral out of control, they sought to create a communal sense of responsibility and courage - to spur citizens and their leaders to take the difficult actions necessary to avert such a fate. Today, after more than 70 years of great-power peace, Americans have lost their sense of tragedy. They have forgotten that the descent into violence and war has been all too common throughout human history.

On Liberty is an 1859 philosophical treatise by the English philosopher John Stuart Mill (1806 - 1873) which applies an ethical system of utilitarianism to society and the state. Mill starts with a brief overview of the meaning of liberty and proffers his basic argument in favor of liberty for the individual, to the degree that it harms no one else. The value of liberty of opinion and liberty of action are set forth in two chapters.

In September 2016, the provocative essay "The Flight 93 Election" galvanized many voters by spotlighting the stakes ahead in November and reproaching complacent elements of the Right. Its author, Michael Anton - writing as "Publius Decius Mus" - addressed the main criticisms of his argument soon afterward in a "Restatement on Flight 93". A new criticism emerged that he had painted a dire scenario to be averted, but no positive vision. Here, Anton presents the positive ideal that inspired him - a distillation of his thinking on Americanism and the West, refined over decades.

L'Occident est-il coupable ? Le philosophe et romancier Pascal Bruckner s'interroge, dans une perspective historique, sur le sentiment de mauvaise conscience en Europe. Il nous propose une généalogie à la fois saisissante et libératrice du mythe de l'infamie de l'homme blanc. Depuis le Tiers-Mondisme du XXe siècle jusqu'à la critique anticoloniale dans les banlieues du XXIe siècle, ce mythe a érigé l'autoflagellation comme horizon indépassable de la pensée occidentale.

★発売即重版！ 売れてます！★20世紀最大の哲学者に学ぶ「限りある時間の使い方」もし、あした死ぬとしたら、今までの日々に後悔はありませんか？