Social Class

From Wall Street to the West Coast, from blue-collar billionaires to blue-blood fortunes, from the Google guys to hedge fund honchos, All the Money in the World gives us the lowdown on, among other things: the all-time richest Americans, who made and lost the most money in the past 25 years, the fields and industries that have produced the greatest wealth, the biggest risk takers, the most competitive players, the most wasteful family feuds, the trophy wives.

A ralé brasileira: quem é e como vive, clássico do pensamento social brasileiro, confere visibilidade à “ralé brasileira”, uma “classe social” jamais percebida enquanto “classe” entre nós, ou seja, nunca percebida como possuindo uma gênese social e um destino comum, e vista apenas como “conjuntos de indivíduos” carentes ou perigosos. Com base em uma profunda e consistente pesquisa empírica, este audiolivro procura recontar, na dimensão da vida cotidiana, o drama existencial e familiar dos tipos sociais mais encontrados na ralé brasileira.

The middle class is the most successful group in world history. Sometime before 2030 the fifth billionth person will join the middle class. What started a little over two hundred years ago as a search for a better life has fueled unprecedented global transformation. In his new book Homi Kharas looks at how this powerful dream captivated generations through history, but its demands have led younger generations to ask if it is all worth it. Can the middle class continue to thrive, or will it falter under the stresses of automation, consumerism, pollution, and political strife?

"A integração do negro na sociedade de classes" foi originalmente a tese de cátedra de Florestan Fernandes, defendida em 1964, cuja marcante atualidade pode ser exemplificada pela advertência, feita ao final do estudo, a respeito das consequências de não se realizar a efetiva integração do negro: “não teremos uma democracia racial e, tampouco, uma democracia.”

Examinando retórica, normas políticas, literatura popular y las teorías científicas a lo largo de 400 años, Nacny Isenberg rechaza las suposiciones sobre la sociedad libre de clases de Estados Unidos, donde la libertad y el trabajo duro te garantizan una verdadera movilidad social. Los blancos pobres miserables y sin tierra han existido desde la época del primer asentamiento colonial británico hasta los actuales "hillbillies".

Understanding wealth in the United States - who has it, how they acquired it, and how they preserve it - is crucial to addressing the economic and political challenges facing the nation. But until now we have had little reliable information. Edward Wolff, one of the world's great experts on the economics of wealth, offers an authoritative account of patterns in the accumulation and distribution of wealth since 1900. A Century of Wealth in America demonstrates that the most remarkable change has been the growth of per capita household wealth.

In 1963, the West Indian Marxist C.L.R. James posed the deceptively benign question: "What do they know of cricket, who only cricket know?" A challenge to the public to reconsider cricket and its meaning by placing the game in its true social, political, and economic context. Different Class does not simply challenge the widely accepted orthodoxy of English cricket, it demonstrates how the values and belief systems at its heart were intentionally developed in order to divide the English along class lines at every level of the game.

President Obama's goal is to create a two-class society: the poor and the super-rich. Decades of liberals - and even a few supposed "Republicans" - have helped push America toward this goal, and President Obama hopes to finish their work. Why? Because this two-class society cements the crony capitalism that feeds big government and keeps corrupt big shots like Obama and his friends in power, permanently enshrined as the ruling class. Meanwhile, it keeps everyone else hooked on the government like a drug that's impossible to quit.

A Ruling Class have emerged in America against the hopes and designs of our Founding Fathers. Over the last hundred years, they have rejected the Constitution and expanded their own power, slowly at first and now rapidly. These people believe their actions are justified, because they think they are smarter than the rest of us - so smart they can run our lives better than we can.

In the first half of the 20th century, Dunbar was an academically elite public school, despite being racially segregated by law. By the 1950s, Dunbar High School was sending 80 percent of its students to college. Today, as with too many troubled urban public schools, the majority of Dunbar students struggle with reading and math. Journalist and author Alison Stewart, whose parents were both Dunbar graduates, tells the story of the school’s rise, fall, and path toward resurgence.

Conventional political wisdom views the two most consequential presidents of the 20th century - FDR and Ronald Reagan - as ideological opposites. FDR is hailed as the champion of big-government progressivism manifested in the New Deal. Reagan is seen as the crusader for conservatism dedicated to small government and free markets. But Henry Olsen argues that this assumption is wrong.

For most of Western history, Sitaraman argues, constitutional thinkers assumed economic inequality was inevitable and inescapable - and they designed governments to prevent class divisions from spilling over into class warfare. The American Constitution is different. Compared to Europe and the ancient world, America was a society of almost unprecedented economic equality, and the founding generation saw this equality as essential for the preservation of America's republic.

Gewinner und Verlierer im Ungleichland – eine schonungslose Analyse der sozialen Ungerechtigkeit in Deutschland... Journalistin und Autorin Julia Friedrichs hinterfragt mit ihrem beeindruckenden und aufrüttelnden Sachbuch "Working Class: Warum wir Arbeit brauchen, von der wir leben können" die Wohlstandsillusion. In Zeiten der prekären Arbeitsverhältnisse und des Lohndumpings ist der Vermögensaufbau aus eigener Kraft für die meisten Bundesbürger unmöglich.

Why have so many middle-class Americans encountered so much financial trouble? In this classic analysis of hard-pressed families, the authors discover that financial stability for many middle-class Americans is all too fragile. The authors consider the changing cultural and economic factors that threaten financial security and what they imply for the future vitality of the middle class. A new preface examines the persistent and new threats that have emerged since the original publication.

Der Generationenvertrag unserer Gesellschaft ist gebrochen. Marcel Fratzscher plädiert für einen neuen Generationenvertrag mit konkreten Rechten und Pflichten - vor allem für die Generation der Babyboomer. Wir haben bereits heute das Wissen und die technologischen Voraussetzungen, um künftigen Generationen einen lebenswerten Planeten zu hinterlassen.

Taking up that challenge and drawing from Baldwin's fiction, nonfiction, poetry, and interviews, You Mean It or You Don't will spur today's progressives from conviction to action. It is not enough, authors Hollowell and McGhee urge us, to hold progressive views on racial justice, LGBTQ+ identity, and economic inequality. True and lasting change demands a response to Baldwin's radical challenge for moral commitment. Called to move from dreams of justice to living it out in communities, churches, and neighborhoods, we can show that we truly mean it.

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La vida cotidiana atravesada por la clase está en constante remiendo. Los rotos son las personas de clase obrera, pero también los constantes destrozos de una existencia popular; las fracturas de una vida hostil, rota, como una kelly al final del turno. Roto como el ánimo de quien pierde dos horas cada día en el transporte público o en la sala de espera de un ambulatorio, sin esperanza de mejora; sin futuro. Esta obra es una visión personal, íntima y subjetiva de cómo el origen social influye en la vida de la clase trabajadora.

Pubblicato dal Mulino nel 1977, tradotto in più lingue, "Carcere e fabbrica" è universalmente ritenuto - a fianco di "Pena e struttura sociale" di Rusche e Kirchheimer e di "Sorvegliare e punire" di Foucault - un grande classico sulle istituzioni carcerarie e le loro origini storiche.

In this groundbreaking audiobook, Russ Alan Prince and Lewis Schiff examine the far-reaching impact of the middle-class millionaires - people who enjoy a net worth ranging from one to 10 million dollars who have earned rather than inherited their wealth. Comprising 8.4 million households, the working rich are exerting a powerful influence on our attitudes and on society.