Social Class

Examinando retórica, normas políticas, literatura popular y las teorías científicas a lo largo de 400 años, Nacny Isenberg rechaza las suposiciones sobre la sociedad libre de clases de Estados Unidos, donde la libertad y el trabajo duro te garantizan una verdadera movilidad social. Los blancos pobres miserables y sin tierra han existido desde la época del primer asentamiento colonial británico hasta los actuales "hillbillies".

Understanding wealth in the United States - who has it, how they acquired it, and how they preserve it - is crucial to addressing the economic and political challenges facing the nation. But until now we have had little reliable information. Edward Wolff, one of the world's great experts on the economics of wealth, offers an authoritative account of patterns in the accumulation and distribution of wealth since 1900. A Century of Wealth in America demonstrates that the most remarkable change has been the growth of per capita household wealth.

In 1963, the West Indian Marxist C.L.R. James posed the deceptively benign question: "What do they know of cricket, who only cricket know?" A challenge to the public to reconsider cricket and its meaning by placing the game in its true social, political, and economic context. Different Class does not simply challenge the widely accepted orthodoxy of English cricket, it demonstrates how the values and belief systems at its heart were intentionally developed in order to divide the English along class lines at every level of the game.

President Obama's goal is to create a two-class society: the poor and the super-rich. Decades of liberals - and even a few supposed "Republicans" - have helped push America toward this goal, and President Obama hopes to finish their work. Why? Because this two-class society cements the crony capitalism that feeds big government and keeps corrupt big shots like Obama and his friends in power, permanently enshrined as the ruling class. Meanwhile, it keeps everyone else hooked on the government like a drug that's impossible to quit.

A Ruling Class have emerged in America against the hopes and designs of our Founding Fathers. Over the last hundred years, they have rejected the Constitution and expanded their own power, slowly at first and now rapidly. These people believe their actions are justified, because they think they are smarter than the rest of us - so smart they can run our lives better than we can.

In the first half of the 20th century, Dunbar was an academically elite public school, despite being racially segregated by law. By the 1950s, Dunbar High School was sending 80 percent of its students to college. Today, as with too many troubled urban public schools, the majority of Dunbar students struggle with reading and math. Journalist and author Alison Stewart, whose parents were both Dunbar graduates, tells the story of the school’s rise, fall, and path toward resurgence.

Gewinner und Verlierer im Ungleichland – eine schonungslose Analyse der sozialen Ungerechtigkeit in Deutschland... Journalistin und Autorin Julia Friedrichs hinterfragt mit ihrem beeindruckenden und aufrüttelnden Sachbuch "Working Class: Warum wir Arbeit brauchen, von der wir leben können" die Wohlstandsillusion. In Zeiten der prekären Arbeitsverhältnisse und des Lohndumpings ist der Vermögensaufbau aus eigener Kraft für die meisten Bundesbürger unmöglich.

Why have so many middle-class Americans encountered so much financial trouble? In this classic analysis of hard-pressed families, the authors discover that financial stability for many middle-class Americans is all too fragile. The authors consider the changing cultural and economic factors that threaten financial security and what they imply for the future vitality of the middle class. A new preface examines the persistent and new threats that have emerged since the original publication.

「自己肯定感」育て、「成長」の希求、「ウェルビーイング」や自発的「リスキリング」の勧め、「自立」の推進、「自分の機嫌」のとり方、「つぶしが利く」能力……。

Der Generationenvertrag unserer Gesellschaft ist gebrochen. Marcel Fratzscher plädiert für einen neuen Generationenvertrag mit konkreten Rechten und Pflichten - vor allem für die Generation der Babyboomer. Wir haben bereits heute das Wissen und die technologischen Voraussetzungen, um künftigen Generationen einen lebenswerten Planeten zu hinterlassen.

¿Quién manda en España? ¿Por qué mandan los que ocupan puestos de poder en los ministerios, secretarías de Estado, direcciones generales? ¿Qué redes de intereses les unen entre sí? Más allá de las "puertas giratorias", unos grupos pequeños de altos funcionarios, personas vinculadas al poder real, sobre todo al económico, toman las decisiones y lo hacen sin responder ante los ciudadanos ni escucharles. Porque las élites de poder no se presentan a las elecciones ni defienden un programa electoral.

Why are wages stagnant and wealth inequality increasing? One factor has inexplicably been left out: who owns the companies that drive the economy. Ownership gives people a claim to the fruits of free enterprise. Employee ownership gives workers—the people who have a stake in the company—a fair chance to benefit from their labors. In three simple parts, Corey Rosen and John Case create a powerful argument for why employee ownership is the answer to capitalism’s crisis and how to implement it.

La vida cotidiana atravesada por la clase está en constante remiendo. Los rotos son las personas de clase obrera, pero también los constantes destrozos de una existencia popular; las fracturas de una vida hostil, rota, como una kelly al final del turno. Roto como el ánimo de quien pierde dos horas cada día en el transporte público o en la sala de espera de un ambulatorio, sin esperanza de mejora; sin futuro. Esta obra es una visión personal, íntima y subjetiva de cómo el origen social influye en la vida de la clase trabajadora.

Pubblicato dal Mulino nel 1977, tradotto in più lingue, "Carcere e fabbrica" è universalmente ritenuto - a fianco di "Pena e struttura sociale" di Rusche e Kirchheimer e di "Sorvegliare e punire" di Foucault - un grande classico sulle istituzioni carcerarie e le loro origini storiche.

Historian Calvin Schermerhorn traces four hundred years of Black dispossession and decapitalization—what Frederick Douglass called plunder—through the stories of families who have strived to earn and keep the fruits of their toils. Their struggles reveal that the ever-evolving strategies to strip Black income and wealth have been critical to sustaining a structure of racialized disadvantage. These accounts also tell of the quiet heroism of those who worked to overcome obstacles and defy the plunder.

Poison Ivy tells the bigger, seedier story of how elite colleges create paths to admission available only to the wealthy, despite rhetoric to the contrary. Evan Mandery reveals how tacit agreements between exclusive "Ivy-plus" schools and white affluent suburbs create widespread de facto segregation. And as a college degree continues to be the surest route to upward mobility, the inequality bred in our broken higher education system is now a principal driver of skyrocketing income inequality everywhere.

"Ein unverzichtbarer Leitfaden für alle, die die Zukunft aktiv mitgestalten wollen." Claudia Kemfert Inmitten zahlreicher Krisen und verschärfter gesellschaftlicher Debatten verlieren gerade viele Menschen die Hoffnung auf eine gute Zukunft. Wir scheinen vor einer riskanten Wahl zu stehen: Retten wir die deutsche Wirtschaft, sorgen wir für ein auskömmliches Leben für alle, oder verhindern wir gerade noch die Klimakatastrophe? Ein Team renommierter Expert*innen des Club of Rome und des Wuppertal Instituts widerlegt diese Scheinalternativen.

Author Natalie Foster, cofounder of the Economic Security Project, has had a front-row seat to the dramatic leaps forward in government guarantees over the past decade, from student debt relief to the child tax credit expansion. Her brilliantly sketched vision for a new Guarantee Framework is rooted in real life experiences, collaborations with some of today's most important activists and visionaries, and a concrete sense of the policies that are possible—and ready to implement—in twenty-first-century America.

Wie grenzenlos der Reichtum einiger weniger wirklich ist und wie ihr Vermögen das Land verändert. Julia Friedrichs ist gelungen, was es so noch nicht gegeben hat: Sie bittet Superreiche zum Gespräch, und diese erlauben ihr umfassende Einblicke in ihre Welt und stellen sich ihren Fragen. Ist Vermögen eine Privatangelegenheit? Braucht es ein anderes Steuersystem? Kann es richtig sein, dass sich extreme Vermögen in den Händen ganz weniger ballen? Wann habe ich genug? Auf den Spuren des Geldes. Ihre Recherchereise führt die Autorin zu Luxusjachten, in Family-Offices und Steueroasen.

Burnt by Democracy traces the political ascendance of neoliberalism and its effects on youth. The book explores democracy and citizenship as described in interviews with over forty young people–ages 16 to 30–who have either experienced homelessness or identify as an activist, living in five liberal democracies: Canada, Australia, New Zealand, the United States, and the United Kingdom.