Moral Politics

Der Sklavenaufstand in der Moral beginnt damit, dass das Ressentiment selbst schöpferisch wird und Werthe gebiert: das Ressentiment solcher Wesen, denen die eigentliche Reaktion, die der That, versagt ist, die sich nur durch eine imaginäre Rache schadlos halten. Während alle vornehme Moral aus einem triumphierenden Ja-sagen zu sich selber herauswächst, sagt die Sklaven-Moral von vornherein Nein zu einem "Außerhalb", zu einem "Anders", zu einem "Nicht-selbst": und dies Nein ist ihre schöpferische That.

What is human well-being? Valerie Tiberius argues that our lives go well to the extent that we succeed in terms of what matters to us emotionally, reflectively, and over the long term. In other words, well-being consists in fulfilling or realizing our appropriate values over time. In the first half of the book, Tiberius sets out the theory of well-being as value fulfillment. She explains what valuing is and what it is to fulfill values over time. In the second half of the book, she applies the theory to the problem of how to help others, particularly our friends.

Leben wir in einem Land, in dem, wer reich ist, das Gesetz nicht fürchten muss? Anne Brorhilker, ehemalige Staatsanwältin und Cum/Ex-Chefermittlerin bei der Staatsanwaltschaft Köln, kennt das komplexe Verhältnis zwischen Wirtschaftskriminalität und Justiz wie keine andere. Hier schildert sie erstmals ihre erstaunlichen Erfahrungen mit der Finanzelite, blickt hinter die Kulissen der Großbanken und entlarvt die Selbstgefälligkeit vieler Steuerhinterzieher: Weshalb war die Aufklärung trotz jahrelanger Ermittlung und auch zahlreicher Urteile so mühsam?

An Enquiry Concerning the Principles of Morals was published in 1751 by Scottish enlightenment philosopher David Hume, a man who revolutionized our understanding of philosophy. Hume uses this work to explore the foundations of morality, asserting that our ethical nature is based upon sentiment rather than reason. He delves deeply into the subject of morality, expanding upon the perspective expressed initially in his Treatise of Human Nature.

It is established that moral relativism is false and it is thereby made clear what moral injunctions are and what the basis is for their legitimacy.

Nach der Lehre Epiktets soll der Mensch strikt unterscheiden, welche Dinge und Geschehnisse von ihm selbst beeinflusst werden können und welche nicht. Nur wenn diese Unterscheidung gelingt und bewusst wird, dann wird persönliches Glück erreichbar sein.

The Individualization of War examines the status of individuals in contemporary armed conflict in three main capacities: as subject to violence but deserving of protection; as liable to harm because of their responsibility for attacks on others; and as agents who can be held accountable for the perpetration of crimes.

Immanuel Kant (1724-1804) was one of the most influential philosophers of all time. His profound thoughts on aesthetics, ethics, and knowledge has had an enormous impact on all subsequent philosophy. Kant asked questions like “What is morally permissible, and what is morally obligatory?” and explored the answers in Fundamental Principles of the Metaphysics of Morals. Kant's idea of the categorical imperative is a logical proof of the golden rule and the centerpiece of this work.

In this tour de force essay, Hans-Hermann Hoppe turns the standard account of historical governmental progress on its head. While the state is an evil in all its forms, monarchy is, in many ways, far less pernicious than democracy. Hoppe shows the evolution of government away from aristocracy, through monarchy, and toward the corruption and irresponsibility of democracy to have been identical with the growth of the leviathan state.

The Good Life is a deeply reasoned but entertaining polemic about how the notion of morality has been co-opted by the political right, as the culture increasingly embraces the shallow charms of celebrity, gives a pass when it comes to failings in the realm of marital fidelity, and lives comfortably with the notion that we are all driven, more or less, by greed and the desire for power over others.

The idea of moral evil has always held a special place in philosophy and theology because the existence of evil has implications for the dignity of the human and the limits of human action. Andrew Michael Flescher proposes four interpretations of evil, drawing on philosophical and theological sources and using them to trace through history the moral traditions that are associated with them.

Martin Luther King Jr. may be America's most revered political figure, commemorated in statues, celebrations, and street names around the world. But despite his stature, the significance of King's writings and political thought remains underappreciated. In To Shape a New World, Tommie Shelby and Brandon Terry state that the marginalization of King's ideas reflects a romantic consensus history that renders the civil rights movement inherently conservative - an effort not at radical reform but at "living up to" enduring ideals laid down by the nation's founders.

In 1887, with the view of amplifying and completing certain new doctrines which he had merely sketched in "Beyond Good and Evil" (see especially "Aphorism 260"), Nietzsche published "The Genealogy of Morals". This work is perhaps the least aphoristic, in form, of all Nietzsche's productions. For analytical power, more especially in those parts where Nietzsche examines the ascetic ideal, "The Genealogy of Morals" is unequalled by any other of his works.

What should Christians think about Donald Trump? His policies, his style, his personal life? Thirty evangelical Christians wrestle with these tough questions. They are Republicans, Democrats, and Independents. They don't all agree, but they seek to let Christ be the lord of their political views. They seek to apply biblical standards to difficult debates about our current political situation. Don't listen to this audiobook to find support for your views. Listen to it to be challenged - with facts, reason, and biblical principles.

La genealogía de la moral de Friedrich Nietzsche no es un libro de autoayuda en el sentido clásico, pero puede convertirse en una poderosa herramienta de transformación personal si se lee con una mirada introspectiva. En esta obra, Nietzsche cuestiona el origen de nuestros valores morales y nos impulsa a examinar si vivimos bajo principios propios o simplemente heredados.

What is it exactly that made for the greatness of Western Civilization? Why did it have its ups and downs, and where do things seem headed today? Ultimately, this two-volume series is as much a political-moral teaching as it is a presentation of the details of the West's wonderful (and sometimes tragic) historical record.

This book provides a complete overview of the American Founders' political theory, covering natural rights, natural law, state of nature, social compact, consent, and the policy implications of these ideas. The book is intended as a response to the current scholarly consensus, which holds that the Founders' political thought is best understood as an amalgam of liberalism, republicanism, and perhaps other traditions.

Election results are announced. Half the country is elated. The other half are more than unhappy - they are morally stressed. They will be until the next election. It doesn't have to be this way. It's no secret that the loathing, even hatred, between the political left and right are increasing. Existing explanations are superficial, and they have not provided solutions. And so, the problem persists.

Adam Smith (1723-1790) was a Scottish social philosopher and a pioneer of political economy. One of the key figures of the Scottish Enlightenment, Smith is the author of The Theory of Moral Sentiments and The Wealth of Nations, his magnum opus and the first modern work of economics. It earned him an enormous reputation and would become one of the most influential works on economics ever published. Smith is widely cited as the father of modern economics and capitalism. Smith studied social philosophy at the University of Glasgow and the University of Oxford.

In this astute new work, Jakob Feinig shows how the relation between money users and money-issuing governments changed from British colonial North America to today's United States, discussing how popular movements reshaped money-creating institutions, and how their opponents attempted to silence them.