Social Democracy

«Abbiamo tutti in mente la tipica immagine di uno stato autocratico. C'è un cattivo al vertice, che controlla l'esercito e la polizia. L'esercito e la polizia minacciano il popolo con la violenza. Ci sono collaboratori malvagi, e magari qualche coraggioso dissidente.» Tuttavia, per Anne Applebaum, saggista e vincitrice del premio Pulitzer, questa convinzione diffusa altro non è che un anacronismo. Nel XXI secolo, infatti, una simile rappresentazione delle Autocrazie ha scarsa attinenza con la realtà e per di più ne ignora del tutto l'evoluzione.

Una persona, un voto: la democrazia si basa su una promessa di uguaglianza che troppo spesso si infrange sul muro del denaro. Finanziamento delle campagne elettorali, donazioni ai partiti politici, controllo dei media: da decenni la vita democratica è prigioniera degli interessi privati.

How much equality does democracy need to survive? Political thinkers have wrestled with that question for millennia. Aldo Schiavone guides us through historical thickets, from the first democracy to the present day, seeking solutions to the enduring tension between democracy and inequality. Turning from antiquity to the modern world, Schiavone shows how the American and the French revolutions attempted to settle old debates, introducing a new way of thinking about equality.

Over the last two decades, a fringe plan to call a convention under the Constitution's amendment mechanism—the nation's first ever—has inched through statehouses. Delegates, like those in Philadelphia two centuries ago, would exercise nearly unlimited authority to draft changes to our fundamental law, potentially altering anything from voting and free speech rights to regulatory and foreign policy powers. Such a watershed moment would present great danger, and for some, great power. In this important book, Feingold and Prindiville examine the grave risks inherent in this effort.

The title of this book reflects the overarching theme which focus on the challenges facing democracy in the United States and around the world. The title also suggests the urgency and importance of these issues, highlighting the need for immediate action to address the challenges facing democracy today.

In a time of major political shifts and challenges, Democracy at Risk: The Dangers of Project 2025 takes a hard-hitting look at the controversial proposals of Project 2025 and their potential to reshape American society. This timely and essential book offers a detailed analysis of the project’s goals and the far-reaching implications for democracy, civil rights, and social equity.

Was unsere Demokratie bedroht: Joachim Gauck über die Gefahren von außen und innen – der Bestseller in aktualisierter Fassung Der russische Überfall auf die Ukraine bedroht unsere liberale Demokratie in einem Moment, in dem sie zugleich auch von innen unter Druck steht. Wie ist es dazu gekommen? Der ehemalige Bundespräsident Joachim Gauck geht gemeinsam mit seiner Co-Autorin Helga Hirsch der Frage nach, weshalb das Vertrauen vieler Bürger in unsere liberale Demokratie erschüttert ist.

Die offenen Gesellschaften des Westens sind bedroht, durch autoritäre, äußere Gegner, aber auch durch rechte, linke und religiöse Fundamentalisten im Inneren. Jahrzehntelang hat man radikale Minderheiten unterschätzt, durch Migration ins Land gelassen, teilweise mit einem Mulikulti-Mäntelchen kaschiert. Aber sie tolerieren nicht, wodurch sie groß geworden sind: Meinungsfreiheit und Gleichheit Aller. Identitäre von rechts und von links vergiften das öffentliche Klima, Antisemiten und Staatsfeinde haben die Masken abgeworfen.

The myths about Franklin Delano Roosevelt live on. For the left, FDR was a champion of the working class and the oppressed, suffering abuse as a “traitor to his class.” He gave up the lifestyle of the Hudson River gentry to lead his country out of the Depression and to victory against fascism. For many on the right, FDR was out of his depth on economics but provided Americans with the optimism and confidence necessary to prevail during the Depression and gain victory in World War II.

Americans today have “freedom” to be fleeced, groped, injected, harassed, surveilled, vilified, disarmed, beaten, detained, and maybe shot by federal agents. From hapless homeowners hit by SWAT raids to pandemic lockdowns pointlessly paralyzing lives, government agencies have become far more intrusive and abusive. There is no escape from tinhorn dictators seizing guns, sabotaging schooling, or wrecking housing markets.

In democracies, citizens must accept loss; we can’t always be on the winning side. But in the United States, the fundamental civic capacity of being able to lose is not distributed equally. Propped up by white supremacy, whites (as a group) are accustomed to winning. Black citizens, on the other hand, are expected to be political heroes whose civic suffering enables progress toward racial justice. In this book, Juliet Hooker, a leading thinker on democracy and race, argues that the two most important forces driving racial politics in the United States today are Black grief and white grievance.

Das Vertrauen der Europäer in die demokratische Politik ist zerrüttet. Institutionen, die im 20. Jahrhundert zu den wichtigsten Vertrauensträgern gehörten, werden von vielen infrage gestellt. Woran liegt das? Was bedeutet das für unsere Gesellschaft? Und wie können wir damit umgehen? In den vergangenen Jahren hat sich ein dramatischer gesellschaftlicher Wandel vollzogen. Viele Menschen stehen nicht nur der Politik, sondern auch großen Konzernen, Medien und sogar der Wissenschaft mit Skepsis gegenüber.

Tras escribir a las nuevas generaciones con su mensaje sobre la política y la importancia del compromiso en su libro A los que vienen, Manuela Carmena aboga ahora por dirigirse a cuantos se sienten cada vez más lejos de la política actual. En la era de la desafección, este libro es un elogio de la tolerancia como valor último de la democracia.

At the heart of power is a single family. They weren't elected but they live off the public purse. They aren't accountable to anyone, and yet between them they are privy to more government secrets than many cabinet ministers. Divinely appointed using a special hat, the head of the family is your superior, you his subject. Apparently he is guardian of our constitution - but we're also told he wouldn't dream of interfering in politics. If you accept the monarchy, you must accept the moral compromise that comes with it. But the good news is that we don't have to accept it.

David M. Craig traveled across the US to assess its health care access, delivery, and finance. He interviewed religious hospital administrators and interfaith activists, learning how they balance the values of economic efficiency and community accountability. He discovered that health care in the US is not a private good or a public good, but a shared social good. This book argues that as escalating health costs absorb more and more of family income and government budgets, we need to take stock of the full range of health care values.

Con un análisis crítico implacable, irónico y con verdades filosas, Jairo Calixto ofrece en este manual corrosivo tragicómicos retratos de personajes célebres de la actual oposición mexicana: Fox, Calderón y Zavala, Claudio X. González, Ricardo Anaya, el jefe Diego, así como de varios políticos de estos tiempos aciagos: Lozoya, Bartlett, Rosario Robles, Lorenzo Córdova y demás especies en peligro de irrupción.

The author, Jayanta Ghosal, travelled to all the districts of West Bengal and unearthed certain key factors that helped the Trinamool win the state. For instance, there was a massive gap in the BJP's understanding of Bengali identity, which Mamata was able to exploit. An 'overdose' of central intervention, ranging from paramilitary forces to intelligence agencies to target key TMC leaders, added to the BJP's disconnect with voters. Increasingly, the state felt the divide between New Delhi and Bengal grow.

La democracia es el espacio donde desembocan todos los ideales políticos de la modernidad. Ahí confluyen impulsos no sólo diversos sino incluso contrarios: la aspiración de identidad y pluralidad, de liderazgo y contrapesos, de libertad e igualdad, de soberanía y tolerancia, de participación y prudencia. Por ello, la contradicción no es un accidente de la democracia: es su esencia.

Trump, la Brexit, i risultati delle elezioni in molti paesi europei, la Turchia di Erdogan, l'India di Modi: prendono forza a livello globale tendenze che paiono sancire il divorzio fra la democrazia e i principi liberali che l'hanno innervata, soprattutto in Occidente. Eppure viviamo in un mondo che non vede affatto, come si crede, un peggioramento socioeconomico o un aumento delle diseguaglianze.

En sus distintas variantes, desde la ateniense hasta nuestros días, la democracia aparece como un sistema incuestionable que ha ido aumentando el grado de participación de los ciudadanos. En este libro, la politóloga Yanina Welp profundiza en la historia de las ideas y los Estados, los modelos que se establecieron en Europa y las Américas, la disputa por el significado de la democracia y del rol atribuido a la ciudadanía.